SENTENCING: DISPARITYCritics of the sentencing procedure compete that unrestrained discretion outcomes in sentencing disparity. They compete that judges that are not bound by sentencing rules or guidelines, however that are totally free to fashion sentences as they deem proper, regularly impose different sentences on similarly located offenders or the same sentences on offenders whose crimes and also qualities are considerably various. As Judge Marvin Frankel charged in his influential book Criminal Sentences: Law Without Order, unstructured discretion leads to "lawlessness" in sentencing.

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Allegations of "lawlessness" in sentencing reflect involves about discrimicountry as well as disparity. Although these terms are periodically offered interchangeably, they are substantially various. Disparity describes a difference in treatment or outcome, however one that does not necessarily result from intentional prejudice or prejudice. As the Panel on Sentencing Research provided, " disparity exists once "like cases" through respect to instance attributes—regardless of their legitimacy—are sentenced differently" (Blumstein et al., p.72). Discrimicountry, on the various other hand also, is a difference that outcomes from differential therapy based on illegitimate criteria, such as race, gender, social class, or sexual orientation. With respect to sentencing, discrimicountry exists when illegitimate or legally irrelevant defendant characteristics influence the sentence that is implemented after all legally pertinent variables are taken right into consideration. It exists as soon as black and also Hispanic offenders are sentenced more harshly than similarly positioned white offenders or as soon as male offenders receive even more punitive sentences than identical female offenders.

Types of disparity

Sentencing disparities expose both intra- and also inter-jurisdictional distinctions. Judges in a specific jurisdiction, for example, might have actually differing perceptions of crime seriousness or might offer higher or lesser weight to legally appropriate determinants such as the seriousness of the crime and the offender"s prior criminal record, through the result that similar offenders sentenced by different judges receive considerably different sentences. If, for example, some judges regularly sfinish all armed robbers with no previous felony convictions to prichild while others frequently sentence all such offenders to probation, the outcome would certainly be intra-jurisdictional sentencing disparity. A equivalent outcome would result if some judges consistently hand also out either significantly harsher or substantially even more lenient sentences than their colleagues on the bench. In both situations, the severity of the sentence the offender gets rests in part on the judge that imposes it.

The sentencing trends of judges in different jurisdictions likewise may differ. Certain categories of crimes might be perceived as more significant, and particular types of offenders perceived as more dangerous, in some jurisdictions than in others. For example, offenders convicted of serious felonies may be sentenced more leniently in huge urban court units, wbelow such crimes are reasonably prevalent, than in rural areas, wbelow misdemeanors and also much less severe felonies dominate the court docket. Similarly, blacks who victimize whites may be sentenced more harshly than various other categories of offenders in southern jurisdictions, no in a different way than various other offenders in non-southern jurisdictions. These geographical or regional variations in sentence outcomes signal inter-jurisdictional disparity. The harsher sentences implemented on babsence offenders in southerly jurisdictions additionally may be indicative of racial discrimination in sentencing.

A 3rd type of sentence disparity is intra-judge disparity. This form of disparity occurs once an individual judge makes inconsistent sentencing decisions; that is, he or she imposesdifferent sentences on equally culpable offenders whose crimes are equivalent. Although these sentence variations can be attributable to subtle, and therefore not easily observed or measured, distinctions in crime seriousness and offender blameworthiness, they also could be due to intentional prejudice on the component of the judge. An individual judge that believes that black and Hispanic offenders are specifically dangerous and specifically likely to recidivate might impose harsher sentences on these kinds of offenders than on otherwise similar white offenders. Similarly, a judge that is concerned about the "social costs" of incarcerating female offenders through young youngsters might refusage to send such offenders to prikid, but might not hesitate to incarceprice similarly located male offenders. These forms of intra-judge sentencing disparities, then, might signal the visibility of discrimination based upon race, sex, social course, or other legally irappropriate defendant attributes.

Not all sentencing disparities are unwarranted. Although one might question the fairness of a mechanism in which the sentence an offender receives depends upon the jurisdiction wbelow the instance is adjudicated, jurisdictional distinctions in worths and also in attitudes towards crime and also punishment could foster sentencing disparity. Variations in laws and in criminal justice resources might have actually a comparable effect. At the state level, the judge"s discretion at sentencing is constrained by the penalty range establiburned for crimes of differing seriousness by the state legislature. In one state, for instance, the presumptive sentence for burglary might be five to seven years, while in another state the variety can be from seven to ten years. The truth that an offender convicted of burglary in the first state got five years, while a seemingly identical offender convicted of burglary in the second state got salso years, is not indicative of unwarranted disparity. In each instance, the judge imposing the sentence figured out that the offender deoffered the minimum punishment mentioned for the certain crime.

Within-state sentencing disparities also are to be supposed. Judges, many type of of whom are chosen or appointed by the governor or some various other public main, share at leastern to some degree the values and also perspectives of the neighborhoods in which they serve. The fact that sentences for minor drug offenses are harsher in some jurisdictions than in others might ssuggest reflect the reality that different neighborhoods (and hence the judges on the bench in those communities) have actually differing ideas about the correct penalty for this form of crime. Principled and thoughtful judges sitting in different jurisdictions, in various other words, might concerned various conclusions about the correct punishment for identical offenders.

The legitimacy of intra-jurisdictional sentencing disparities is even more questionable. One could argue that some level of disparity in the sentences implemented by judges in a particular jurisdiction is to be intended in a device that attempts to individualize punishment and also in which there is not universal agreement on the objectives of sentences. As lengthy as these distinctions resulted from the application of legitimate criteria and also reflected fundamental distinctions about the purposes of punishment, they can be related to as warranted. Additionally, it can be argued that justice needs that similarly located offenders convicted of identical crimes in the same jurisdiction get equivalent punishments. To be fair, in various other words, a sentencing scheme requires the evenhanded application of objective criteria. Thus, the amount of punishment an offender receives need to not depend on the worths, mindsets, and also beliefs of the judge to whom the instance is assigned.

Regardmuch less of how this worry is readdressed, it is clear that sentencing disparities that outcome from the use of illegitimate criteria are unwarranted. This would certainly be true of sentencing disparities in between jurisdictions and those within jurisdictions. In fact, a lot of the criticism of sentencing disparity centers on the worry of discrimination based upon race, ethnicity, gender, and also social class. Allowing judges unrestrained discretion in fashioning sentences, it is argued, opens up the door to discrimination, via the outcome that racial minorities are sentenced even more harshly than whites, guys are sentenced more harshly than womales, and also the poor are sentenced more harshly than the non-bad.

Studies documenting illegitimate disparities

The proof concerning the extent of discrimicountry in sentencing is equivocal. With respect to discrimination based upon the race/ethnicity of the offender, for example, some studies find that blacks and also Hispanics are sentenced even more harshly than whites, while others conclude that racial disparities disappear once crime seriousness and also prior criminal record are taken right into consideration. Still various other researches reveal that the effect of race/ethnicity is confined to certain forms of offenders, certain forms ofcrimes, and also particular forms of scenarios. One examine, for instance, found that young, black males got substantially even more significant sentences than any kind of other kind of offender (Steffensmeier et al.). Researchers additionally have actually concluded that blacks who murder or sexually assault whites are singled out for harsher therapy (Baldus et al.; LaFree), that babsence and Hispanic drug offenders are sentenced even more harshly than white drug offenders (Albonetti), and also that pretrial detention and also going to trial quite than pleading guilty rise sentence severity even more for racial minorities than for whites (Chiricos and Bales; Ulmer). Racial/ethnic discrimicountry in sentencing, in various other words, is contextual rather than systematic.

The proof with respect to gender discrimination is much less contradictory. In reality, theoretically informed and methodologically rigorous studies carried out in varied jurisdictions and also concentrating on a variety of offenses continuously uncover that woguys are less likely than guys to be sentenced to prison; a number of studies likewise uncover that the sentences implemented on womales are shorter than those applied on guys (for a review of this study, check out Daly and also Bordt). Although some research studies conclude that preferential therapy is reserved for white females, others find that all female offenders, regardmuch less of race/ethnicity, are sentenced even more leniently than male offenders. Explacountries for the even more lenient therapy of female offenders mostly focus on the reality that judges tfinish to check out male offenders as even more blameworthy, even more dangerous, and more threatening than female offenders. Tbelow likewise is evidence that judges" assessments of offense seriousness and offender culpcapability connect via their involves about the helpful effects of incarceration on kids and also families to develop even more lenient sentences for "familied" female defendants (Daly).

Allegations of disparity and also discrimicountry have been leveled at elements of the criminal justice device various other than sentencing. In fact, some commentators contend that sentencing disparities are just "the pointer of the iceberg" and emphasize the prominence of researching discretionary decisions made earlier in the process. The police officer"s decision to arrest or not and the prosecutor"s decision to file charges or not are both highly discretionary decisions that typically are not subject to testimonial. Although the plea bargetting process might be governed by the informal standards of the courtroom workteam or by formal office plans, it, as well, is characterized by a substantial amount of discretion. Decisions about bail and pretrial release, while structured to some level by bail guidelines or schedules and also by statutes or policies concerning preventative detention, also are discretionary. At each of these decision points, discretion creates the potential for disparity and discrimicountry. This is especially troublesome, given the reality that these beforehand decisions themselves affect the sentence that is eventually enforced. Defendants arrested for and also charged through even more serious crimes are sentenced more harshly, as are those who are unable to negotiate a favorable plea or who are detained before trial. Disparity and also discrimination at the front end of the criminal justice mechanism, in various other words, can cause "cumulative disadvantage" (Zatz) for particular categories of defendants at sentencing.

Sentencing disparity and sentence reform

Concerns about disparity and also discrimination in sentencing led to a "impressive burst of reform" (Walker, p. 112) that started in the mid-1970s and also proceeds this particular day. The emphasis of redevelop initiatives was the indeterminate sentence, in which an offender got a minimum and also maximum sentence and also the parole board identified the day of release. Under indeterminate sentencing, which is still provided in about fifty percent of the states, the judge was to individualize punishment by tailoring the sentence not simply to the seriousness of the offense but also to the offender"s distinct characteristics and circumstances, including his or her potential for rehabilitation. Likewise, the paduty board"s determination of as soon as the offender must be released rested on its judgment of whether the offender had been rehabilitated or had served enough time for the particular crime. Under indeterminate sentencing, in various other words, discretion was distributed not only to the criminal justice officials that determined the sentence, but additionally to corrections officials and the pafunction board. The result of this procedure was "a device of sentencing in which tright here was little understanding or predictcapability as to who would be imprisoned and for just how long" (Bureau of Justice Assistance, p. 6).

Both liberal and also conservative reformers tested the principles underlying the indeterminate sentence, and also referred to as for transforms designed to curb discretion and also alleviate disparity and discrimination. Liberal reformers suggested that judges and also corrections officials need to not be given unfettered and unreviewable discretionin determining the nature and also degree of punishment; they were particularly apprehensive around the potential for racial prejudice under indeterminate sentencing schemes. They asserted that "racial discrimination in the criminal justice mechanism was epidemic, that judges, pafunction boards, and corrections officials might not be trusted, and that tight controls on officials" discretion readily available the just way to limit racial disparities" (Tonry, 1995, p. 164). Political conservatives, on the various other hand, argued that sentences enforced under indeterminate sentencing schemes were as well lenient and championed sentencing recreates designed to create and also enforce more punitive sentencing standards. Their arguments were bolstered by the findings of research study demonstrating that most correctional programs designed to rehabilitate offenders and also alleviate recidivism were inefficient (Martinson).

After a couple of initial "misprocedures," in which jurisdictions attempted to remove discretion altogether via flat-time sentencing (Walker, p. 123), says and the federal federal government embraced determinate sentencing proposals designed to regulate the discretion of sentencing judges. Many kind of jurisdictions embraced presumptive sentence frameworks that available judges a limited number of sentencing choices and that had improvements for usage of a weapon, presence of a prior criminal document, or infliction of significant injury. These devices differ extensively in the amount of discretion allotted to judges. California"s Uniform Determinate Sentencing Law, which was adopted in 1976, is among the more restrictive laws. It classified offenses into four categories of seriousness and also establiburned a presumptive sentence, an aggravated array, and also a mitigated range for each category. In the absence of aggravating or mitigating circumstances, the judge is to impose the presumptive sentence. At the other excessive, the determinate sentencing statutes embraced in Maine and also Illinois give judges wide discretion to identify the proper sentence. The legislation enacted in Illinois in 1977 established a reasonably wide sentence selection for each of 6 categories of offenses. Offenders convicted of Class X offenses (the the majority of major offenses, excluding murder), for instance, might be sentenced to prichild for everywhere from six to thirty years, and renovations for aggravating circumstances such as use of a weapon might bring about a sentence that ranged in between thirty and also sixty years. The determinate sentencing laws enacted in various other states generally autumn between these two extremes.

During this beforehand phase of the redevelop movement, pafunction release likewise came under assault. A variety of claims and the federal mechanism initially embraced guidelines that pafunction boards were to use in determining whether an offender should be released or not. These guidelines generally were based on the seriousness of the offense and also the offender"s prior criminal document, and on an assessment of the offender"s hazard of recidivism. Other claims (and inevitably the federal system) aboliburned parole release altogether. In these jurisdictions the offender is immediately released at the end of the term, much less credit for great actions.

Other sentence recreates include voluntary and also presumptive sentencing guidelines. During the late 1970s and early on 1980s a number of says experimented via voluntary or advisory guidelines, so-referred to as because judges are not compelled to comply through them. Michael Tonry, a professor of law at the College of Minnesota, notes that "voluntary guidelines were regularly developed by judges in really hopes that by placing their very own residences in order they would forestall passage of mandatory or determinate sentencing laws" (Tonry, 1996, p. 27). Evaluations of the impact of voluntary guidelines discovered low compliance by judges and, subsequently, little bit if any kind of impact on the type or severity of sentences enforced. Many jurisdictions inevitably abandoned voluntary guidelines in favor of determinate sentencing or presumptive sentencing guidelines.

The motion toward presumptive sentencing guidelines began in the late 1970s as soon as Minnesota, Pennsylvania, and also a variety of various other says created sentencing commissions and directed them to develop rules for sentencing that judges would certainly be compelled to follow. By the mid-1980s, commission-based guidelines had been adopted in Minnesota, Pennsylvania, and also Washington. In 1984, the U.S. Congress enacted regulation that aboliburned parole release and also directed the U.S. Sentencing Commission to construct guidelines for federal sentencing; the guidelines took result in 1987. Experimentation through commission-based guidelines continued right into the 1990s. By 1996, at a lot of fifty percent of the claims had actually developed sentencing commissions; ten says had adopted presumptive sentencing guidelines, 6 had imposed voluntary guidelines, and several were in the process of occurring either presumptive or voluntary guidelines.

Although the guidelines adopted in different jurisdictions vary on a number of dimensions, the majority of incorpoprice crime seriousness and priorcriminal record into a sentencing "grid" that judges are required to use in determining the proper sentence. The statutes spell out the aggravating and also mitigating scenarios that justify departures from the presumptive sentence. In presumptive systems, the judge should administer composed justification for a exit and also either the defense or the prosecution deserve to research appellate review of sentences that do not condevelop to the guidelines.

Other redevelops enacted at both the federal and state levels included mandatory minimum penalties for specific forms of offenses, habitual offender and "3 strikes" regulations, and also truth-insentencing statutes. All states have actually embraced mandatory sentencing provisions that apply to repeat or habitual offenders or to offenders convicted of crimes such as drunk driving, possession of drugs, and also possession of tools. These laws mostly require the judge to sentence the offender to priboy for a specified period of time; nonprison sentences, such as probation, are not enabled. A handful of claims embraced "three strikes" laws that mandated life sentences for offenders convicted of a third major felony. Other states enacted so-referred to as "fact in sentencing" statutes designed to boost the certainty and also predictability of sentencing; under this system, pafunction release discretion is abolimelted, and also the sentence applied reflects the actual amount of time an offender will serve, with very restricted time credited for excellent habits in priboy.

The assault on indeterminate sentencing and also the proposals for recreate reflect conflicting views of the goals and also objectives of punishment, and also inquiries regarding the exercise of discretion at sentencing. The National Research Council"s Panel on Sentencing Research defined the sentencing decision as "the symbolic keystamong the criminal justice device," including that "It is below that problems in between the purposes of equal justice under the regulation and also individualized justice via punishment tailored to the offender are played out. . ." (Blumstein et al., p. 39). Proponents of retributive or simply deserts theories of punishment, such as Anattracted von Hirsch, argue that sentence severity have to be carefully connected to the seriousness of the crime and the culpcapacity of the offender. Therefore, those who commit equivalent offenses should receive similar punishments, and also those that commit more major crimes must be punimelted more harshly than those who commit much less major crimes. Like instances, in various other words, have to be treated alike. Proponents of utilitarian rationales of punishment, including distinct (or individual) deterrence, incapacitation, and also rehabilitation, argue that the ultimate goal of punishment is to prevent future crime and that the severity of the sanction implemented on an offender have to serve this purpose. Therefore, the amount of punishment require not be closely proportioned to crime seriousness or offender culpcapacity yet have the right to rather be tailored to the defendant"s unique attributes and also scenarios. (The utilitarian goal of general deterrence, prefer just deserts, requires that punishment be at leastern approximately proportional to crime seriousness (Bentham, pp. 322–338; Minnesota Sentencing Guidelines Commission, p. 12), however the require for other utilitarian steps such as incapacitation must also be taken into consideration.)

These conflicting views of the purposes of punishment incorporate differing notions of the amount of discretion that judges and also juries have to be afforded at sentencing. A sentencing system based upon utilitarian rationales would certainly enable the judge or jury discretion to shape sentences to fit individuals and their crimes. The judge or jury would certainly be free to think about all relevant situations, consisting of the offender"s degree of dangerousness, potential for rehabilitation, and require for deterrence, and also "the prominence of the behavioral norms that were violated, the impacts of the crime on the victim, and the amalgam of aggravating and also mitigating scenarios that make a defendant more or less culpable and make one sentence even more proper than another" (Tonry, 1996, p. 3). A retributive or just deserts sentencing plan, on the other hand, would constrain discretion even more sevedepend. The judge or jury would certainly identify the correct sentence using only legally pertinent considerations (basically crime seriousness and, to a lesser degree, prior criminal record) and would be precluded from considering individual characteristics or circumstances, which are unregarded offense seriousness and also offender culpability.

The reforms enacted throughout the sentencing recreate motion reflect both retributive and practical ethics. Sentencing guidelines, for instance, primarily are based explicitly or implicitly on notions of simply deserts: punishments are scaled along a two-dimensional grid measuring the seriousness of the crime and the offender"s prior criminal record. The Minnesota Sentencing Commission chose that "Growth of a rational and regular sentencing plan needs that the severity of sanctions rise in direct propercentage to rises in the severity ofcriminal offenses and also the severity of criminal backgrounds of convicted felons" (Minnesota Sentencing Guidelines Commission, p. 1). The commission therefore adopted a "modified just-deserts" model of sentencing (pp. 7–14). Other sentencing commissions are mandated to accomplish utilitarian as well as retributive goals. For instance, regulation adopted in Arkansas says that the goals of the sentencing guidelines incorporate retribution, rehabilitation, deterrence, and incapacitation. Due to the fact that these objectives may problem via one one more and also bereason legislatures rarely prioritized them, sentencing comgoals mainly "occurred guidelines utilizing measures of offense seriousness and also criminal background, leaving to the courts the discretion to aggravate and alleviate the sentence as a way of considering rehabilitation and other sentencing purposes" (Bureau of Justice Assistance, p. 42). Even in Minnesota, the commission gave sentencing judges comprehensive discretion to consider rehabilitation and also other utilitarian sentencing rationales; moreover, the prestige of these nonretributive purposes has actually grvery own steadily since guidelines initially became effective (Frase).

Although the sentencing reforms promulgated throughout the past three years were based upon diverse and also periodically contradictory ethics, the overriding goal of reformers wregarding minimize disparity and discrimicountry, including racial and also gender discrimination, in sentencing. The Minnesota sentencing guidelines, for example, clearly state that sentences should be neutral with respect to the gender, race, and also socioeconomic standing of the offender. Reformers hoped that the new regulations, by structuring discretion, would make it more difficult for judges to take these legally irpertinent components into account as soon as determining the appropriate sentence. They likewise anticipated that the redevelops would certainly create better consistency in the sentences applied on equivalent offenders convicted of equivalent crimes.

Evidence concerning the effectiveness of the sentencing redevelops embraced during the past 3 years is blended. An examination of sentences imposed by judges in Minnesota before and also after the implementation of guidelines, for instance, verified that the affect of race, gender, and also socioeconomic standing declined, however did not disappear (Miethe and also Moore). A series of researches performed in Pennsylvania produced comparable results. This study also demonstrated that judges were more likely to decomponent from the guidelines—that is, to impose probation once the guidelines referred to as for prikid or to impose a much shorter sentence than dubbed for by the guidelines—if the offender was white or was a woguy (Kramer and also Ulmer). Research findings such as these, coupled through the inconstant findings of study designed to evaluate the result of the federal sentencing guidelines, have led scholars to question the degree to which reforms have actually reduced sentencing disparity and also discrimicountry. As Tonry (1996, p. 180) notes, "There is, unfortunately, no means about the dilemma that sentencing is naturally discretionary and that discretion leads to disparities."

Cassia Spohn

See additionally Criminal Justice System; Guilty Plea: Plea Bargaining; Police: Community Policing; Police: Criminal Investigations; Police: Handling of Juveniles; Police: Police Officer Behavior; Police: Policing Complainantmuch less Crimes; Probation and Parole: History, Goals, and Decision-Making; Prosecution: Prosecutorial Discretion; Sentencing: Allocation of Authority; Sentencing: Alternatives; Sentencing: Guidelines; Sentencing: Mandatory and also Mandatory Minimum Sentences; Sentencing: Presentence Report; Sentencing: Procedural Protection; Urban Police.

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